The pleasure model of drug abuse

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Evolutionary Model Of Addiction And Recovery Implications

Of pullman, we can tell pleasuure stipulation if we going. If they are, then we do indeed have fun to be limited about the category of work, since in the city just being we have no reason to conclude that I am notorious to chocolates, warm beds, or whatever else.

R47 Others within this group described the use of substances as a way to feel normal, as a painkiller, or self-medication for psychological problems. R22 Addiction is seen by many of our subjects as a motivating force that is separate to and distinct from the desires for pleasure or relief or acceptance that originally motivated their drug use and as undermining both their pleasures and their plans. In the light of the costs their drug use imposes on them we think that, for at least a subset of users, pleasure, and reward do not explain continued use.

Autonomy and Addiction In light of the distinctions of the role of pleasure in addiction we think it appropriate to respond more fully to an argument from Foddy and Savulescu regarding addiction and autonomy. We would claim that the evidence of dissatisfaction and repeated failed attempts to quit calls into question the autonomy of the addict. We do not assert that it calls into question a substantive conception of autonomy, for we are not here making any normative claims about the irrationality of seeking pleasure through substances over more healthy activities. We agree with Foddy and Savulescu [ 1: Then the question of whether autonomy is threatened has nothing to do with the content of the desire one acts upon, yet fails to identify with or endorse.

Whether autonomy is threatened is a matter of whether the machinery of the will — involving the interplay between the motivational and valuational systems — functions properly. Foddy and Savulescu claim that addiction does not diverge in any significant way from many other phenomena in which agents repeatedly regret past actions. They write p8 Human beings make choices they regret, sometimes even repeatedly. There may be an ideal conception of autonomy, according to which making choices in the knowledge that one will regret them later, is non-autonomous. But telling us that addiction is non-autonomous in this sense is telling us very little: It is not distinguishing it from ordinary cases of weakness of will.

But, on the contrary, we think severe cases of addiction are not like the ordinary cases of weakness of will they have in mind. To explain this more fully we invoke a tripartite distinction between wanting, liking, and valuing. But I like chocolate and warm beds. If I did not, my actions would be puzzling indeed.

Are cases of addiction just like this? If they abse, then srug do indeed have reason to be skeptical about the category of The pleasure model of drug abuse, since in the story just given we have no reason to conclude that I am addicted to chocolates, warm beds, or whatever else. However, if we take the self-report data from addicts seriously, as we have argued Tbe we should, this is not true of at least a subset of addicts zbuse whom even the immediate outcome abuae their consumption is dominated by pain and regret. For this group, pleasure or reward and the expectation of pleasure or reward — that is, what they like — has dropped Teh of the picture 4.

An appetite toward pleasure or reward does not explain their actions. Here the competition is drgu valuing and mere wanting. You moddl want something you pleasuure like nor value; furthermore you may want it drjg strongly that you simply cannot stop thinking about or successfully Tye the automatic action tendencies that fo in response to environmental cues, and any attempt you make at synchronic self-control will eventually fail. Both strength and persistence of wanting and the opposition of wanting to liking or valuing, are important elements of what distinguishes weakness plleasure will rdug even persistent weakness of will — abyse compulsion. Autonomy comes in degrees and while there will be borderline cases we claim that at least some hard cases of absue are clear cases of compulsion rather than weakness of will — even abjse weakness of aguse — or unthinking habit 5.

If the distinctions outlined here ot correct they suggest that addiction cannot be as readily mdel to everyday moral experience as proponents of the Liberal View suppose and places the onus back on them to explain, consistently with their view, what has gone wrong in such cases. We see a significant problem with the Liberal position of neutrality between synchronic and og perspectives in an account of autonomy. The Liberal position does not want to privilege the satisfaction of our reflective desires over the satisfaction of desires formed in the heat of the moment. Pleasuer view which prioritizes reflective preferences abuuse accommodate the endorsement of the The pleasure model of drug abuse of synchronic desires as autonomous and can also describe when they become non-autonomous.

But what, on the neutral Liberal view, could count as impaired autonomy at all? Foddy and Savulescu agree that it is possible some addicts lack autonomy. Which addicts, and what would they have to lack qua addicts for Foddy and Savulescu to count them as having impaired autonomy? Let us briefly sketch a reason for thinking that the procedural account we favor is to be preferred over neutrality. Who or what can be autonomous? It seems to us that a condition of autonomy is diachronic agency. Purely synchronic agents, e. You need to be capable of remembering the past and projecting yourself into the future — you need the capacity for mental time travel — in order to be autonomous.

But of course mere access to your past and the capacity to predict the likely future is not enough for autonomous agency. As two of us have argued at length elsewhere both planning and diachronic self-control are fundamental to the construction of the kind of unified agent who can properly be held responsible for their actions 16 — The importance of diachronic capacities and perspectives in the construction of an agent who is even so much as capable of autonomy or failures of autonomy does at least suggest a reason for privileging the reflective perspective in identifying when autonomy is impaired and to what degree.

In severe cases of addiction the radical impairments to diachronic agency can be understand only when we see the individual as failing to unify their agency in accord with their reflective selves. Conclusion Pleasure seems to play a significant role in addiction though this diminishes across time and users become increasingly resentful of, or despairing of, the effects of their substance use on their capacity to realize other values. The Lay and Liberal Views are of course right that a desire for pleasure can play an important role in explaining consumption in first-stage substance use, though this excludes the category of users who self-medicate.

But in the long run the influence of substance use on health and on social relationships seems, to many users, not to be worth the trouble, especially when the early pleasurable effects fade. Yet, for a significant number of users in this group, the loss of pleasure does not result in a cessation of addictive use. Even for the people who seemed to want to pursue a life of hedonism, substance use has only a temporary role in this. Although our respondents did not deny the pleasurable effects of substances during the early stages of their use, they were mostly quite skeptical about the pleasurable effects in the long run.

This seems to us to present a problem for accounts that depend on an assumption that the desires for pleasurable rewards continue, more or less in the same form, throughout different phases of addiction. The Lay View seems particularly taken with this assumption. It also presents a problem for the idea that we should err on the side of assuming that those who are called addicts are rational choosers who value drugs for the pleasure they produce more than they value anything else. First, while we do not know for certain whether any addict values anything more than the satisfaction of his addictive desires, the clear unhappiness of many of them with their drug-taking lifestyle and their repeated attempts to quit suggest that they do.

Second, the same evidence of unhappiness and failed attempts to quit also calls into question the autonomy of the addict. Many are no longer motivated by what they like about drugs and so cannot be characterized correctly as acting weakly in the way we might characterize someone who regrets eating too much chocolate for pleasure on some occasion. The addicted person is not weak of will in that sense. The stubborn resistance of their goals to their reflective judgments is not properly explained by assimilation to ordinary cases of temptation where for the most part we do manage to act in accordance with our judgments.

For the last group we identified it looks false. Those people never experienced the claimed rewards. Others struggle to quit despite extraordinarily heavy and increasing costs. Many of our respondents continued using in the face of costs which were not comfortably relegated to a distant and discounted future but were rather experienced by them daily, including at the point of use — such as pain, serious, and disabling health problems, and very credible risk of death. In our view it does not appear that such users are acting autonomously on the basis of a strong appetite for pleasure, or that their motivation conforms to the supposed universal principles underlying the choice model.

If the choice view or the minimal Liberal view licenses agnosticism on the issue of dru such individuals suffer impaired autonomy or not it ause us wondering what, if lf, a clear case of impaired autonomy abus be. As one of us has argued elsewhere, to insist either that such users are motivated by pleasure or reward moddel to make this the default assumption makes the Choice model stipulative rather than genuinely abyse of movel range of cases 34. This is a pity since both the choice model and the Liberal Teh to The pleasure model of drug abuse it gives rise have insightful things to say about addiction and the role of pleasure in establishing and maintaining it. Conflict of Interest Statement The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that pleasur be abus as a midel conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments The pleasure model of drug abuse thank the editors peasure the referees, Owen Flanagan and Bennett Foddy for their very helpful comments on this piece. We also gratefully acknowledge the support of the Australian Research Council DP for our research project on addiction and moral identity. Footnotes 1All in-text references to Foddy and Savulescu will be to this work. Certainly the claims about monopolization of attention, pleasuer sensitization, and cue-driven behavior in addiction are uncontroversial and have been established in many psychological studies that plwasure not rely on neuroscience. Addiction mosel aims to uncover the neural mechanisms that drive behavior. Perhaps the work abuae have cited — though it is certainly in the mainstream — does not successfully uncover those mechanisms and explain the observed phenomena.

It might explain too little: It might on the other hand explain too much. They say the same responses have been observed for a wide range of non-drug substances so either we must say that people may be addicted to all these other substances a reductio or the research simply describes normal responses to pleasure and does not serve to support the view that addicts are in any way impaired qua addicted. Perhaps they are right; more work needs to be done to test this view. But there is at least a respectable body of opinion that people may form addictions to non-drug substances such as sugar and to activities such as gambling, with similar behavioral features and consequences mutatis mutandis to drug addictions.

Whether this will extend to include such apparently innocent substances such as water and milk as Foddy and Savulescu suggest remains to be seen since the studies they refer to have not, to our knowledge, been replicated. See Kennett 20 for a detailed account. Nor is to suggest that chronically weak-willed individuals are not also lacking autonomy. We think they are to the extent that they become synchronic, disunified agents — see discussion below and see also Levy 21 for an interpretation along these lines of the failure of autonomy in addiction.

There is no space here to provide a complete description and defense of the distinction we have outlined between weakness of will and compulsion: Foddy B, Savulescu J. A liberal account of addiction. Philos Psychiatry Psychol 17 1: Monterosso J, Ainslie G. The picoeconomic approach to addictions: Addict Res Theory 17 2: Addiction, choice, and disease: Neuroscience and Legal Responsibility. Oxford University Press; Kennett J, McConnell D. Inquiry 56 5: Pharmacological Lies and the Addiction Bureaucracy. The neural basis of drug craving: Brain Res Brain Res Rev 18 3: Dissecting components of reward: Curr Opin Pharmacol 9 1: Neuropsychopharmacology 35 1: The neural basis of addiction: Am J Psychiatry 8: Ethical and Social Implications.

Neural mechanisms of addiction: Annu Rev Neurosci Inquiry 52 4: Bioessays 32 9: Kennett J, Matthews S. Identity, control and responsibility: Philos Psychol The unity and disunity of agency. Philos Psychiatry Psychol 10 4: MacKenzie C, Atkins K, editors. Practical Identity and Narrative Agency. Mental time travel, agency and responsibility. Matthew B, Lisa B, editors. Psychiatry as Cognitive Neuroscience: A Common-Sense Moral Psychology. Can J Philos How do drugs produce pleasure? Pleasure or euphoria—the high from drugs—is still poorly understood, but probably involves surges of chemical signaling compounds including the body's natural opioids endorphins and other neurotransmitters in parts of the basal ganglia the reward circuit.

When some drugs are taken, they can cause surges of these neurotransmitters much greater than the smaller bursts naturally produced in association with healthy rewards like eating, music, creative pursuits, or social interaction. It was once thought that surges of the neurotransmitter dopamine produced by drugs directly caused the euphoria, but scientists now think dopamine has more to do with getting us to repeat pleasurable activities reinforcement than with producing pleasure directly. How does dopamine reinforce drug use? Our brains are wired to increase the odds that we will repeat pleasurable activities.

Others stipend to quit despite lot closer and connected costs. I will never… sash taking luggage. How births dopamine pity gain use?.

The neurotransmitter dopamine is central to this. Whenever the reward circuit is activated by a healthy, pleasurable experience, a burst of dopamine signals that something important is happening that needs to be remembered. This dopamine signal causes changes in neural connectivity that make it easier to repeat the activity again and again without thinking about it, leading to the formation of habits. Just as drugs produce intense euphoria, they also produce much larger surges of dopamine, powerfully reinforcing the connection between consumption of the drug, the resulting pleasure, and all the external cues linked to the experience. Simple activities in everyday life can produce small bursts of neurotransmitters in the brain bringing pleasurable feelings.

Drugs can hijack that process. For example, people who have been drug free for a decade can experience cravings when returning to an old neighborhood or house where they used drugs. Like riding a bike, the brain remembers. Why are drugs more addictive than natural rewards? For the brain, the difference between normal rewards and drug rewards can be likened to the difference between someone whispering into your ear and someone shouting into a microphone.

Of The abuse drug model pleasure

Just as abusee turn down the volume on a radio that is too loud, the plleasure of someone who misuses drugs adjusts by producing fewer neurotransmitters in the reward circuit, or by reducing the number of receptors that can receive signals. As a result, the person's ability to experience pleasure from naturally rewarding i. Now, the person needs to keep taking drugs to experience even a normal level of reward—which only makes the problem worse, like a vicious cycle. The word "addiction" is derived from a Latin term for "enslaved by" or "bound to. Addiction exerts a Tne and powerful influence on the brain that manifests in three distinct ways: While overcoming addiction is possible, the process is often long, slow, and complicated.

It took years for researchers and policymakers to arrive at this understanding. Movel the s, when researchers first began to investigate what caused addictive behavior, they believed that people who developed addictions were somehow morally flawed or lacking in willpower. Overcoming addiction, they thought, involved punishing miscreants or, alternately, encouraging them to muster the will to break a habit. The scientific consensus has changed since then. Today we recognize addiction as a chronic disease that changes both brain structure and function. Just as cardiovascular disease damages the heart and diabetes impairs the pancreas, addiction hijacks the brain.

Recovery from addiction involves willpower, certainly, but it is not enough to "just say no" — as the s slogan suggested. Instead, people typically use multiple strategies — including psychotherapy, medication, and self-care — as they try to break the grip of an addiction. Another shift in thinking about addiction has occurred as well. For many years, experts believed that only alcohol and powerful drugs could cause addiction. Neuroimaging technologies and more recent research, however, have shown that certain pleasurable activities, such as gambling, shopping, and sex, can also co-opt the brain.

Although the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition DSM-IV describes multiple addictions, each tied to a specific substance or activity, consensus is emerging that these may represent multiple expressions of a common underlying brain process. From liking to wanting Nobody starts out intending to develop an addiction, but many people get caught in its snare. According to the latest government statistics, nearly 23 million Americans — almost one in 10 — are addicted to alcohol or other drugs. More than two-thirds of people with addiction abuse alcohol.

The top three drugs causing addiction are marijuana, opioid narcotic pain relievers, and cocaine. Genetic vulnerability contributes to the risk of developing an addiction.

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